Church legend has it that St. Andrew the Apostle of John the Baptist and of Jesus Christ, during his evangelical missions traveled all the way up the Dnieper river in the then Scythian region of Sarmatia north of the Black sea, erected a cross, and prophesied that the site upon which he planted his cross was to become a great and powerful Christian city of many churches.[1] Through the ages, St. Andrew’s prophecy gradually came to life with the rise of a great and powerful city of Kiev under the rule of the Varangians: a city that eventually was inaugurated as the Christian capital of Kievan Rus’. However, the development of Kievan Rus’ was the later-stage product of a process of nation-building that was taken over from the Khazars (a political entity of Southeastern Europe and Eurasia) and put into motion by the Vikings, whom before that time, settled in the Northern steppes of modern day Russia in two proximal locations known as Staraya Ladoga and the city of Novgorod.
The Varangians traversed through the Baltic Sea on their
various expeditions, and made temporary settlements at Staraya Ladoga for
trading and crafting purposes.[2] They
were initially not welcomed by the indigenous population of that region (such
as the Balts and the Slavs) due to in-fighting amongst all the ethnic peoples there.
But eventually the climate was right for their welcomed (and desired)
re-arrival in the 9th century under the leadership of Rurik. It was
at this pivotal moment, with the introduction of Rurik and the Rurikid (his
followers/descendants) at Staraya Ladoga and Novgorod that Eastern Europe would
permanently change. With all the annals of history that describe the acts,
innovations, and feats of the political entities stemming from Novgorod and
Kievan Rus’; the Varangians, Rurik and his dynasty (which ruled Russia up until the 16th century) influenced Eastern Europe throughout the span of their existence. They not only established an elite
legacy of rulers, but also brought forth a rich Scandinavian culture; founded
an economy; expanded their boarders as to rival even their Byzantine neighbors,
and much more. In due time, the Rus' would grow to
become a political entity of purpose, prosperity and power.
With
the arrival of the Varangians in Northeastern Europe: one has to ask what was
the significance of such an expedition? What were the unyielding implications
of their arrival and upbringing, from Scandinavia to Northeastern Europe, and what
were the inescapable consequences of their forth-bearing impact? Simply put,
it was through the Rurikid dynasty and their successive assumption of authority
in Eastern and Northeastern Europe, the Varangians changed the way
Eastern Europe was shaped in all avenues of life through culture, economics,
and most importantly politics.
The
Varangians loved to trade, and because of this everlasting thirst for goods and
wares, their expansion into modern day Russia was of economic perpetuity. What
drove all merchants and tradesmen mad with desire were exotic goods from far-off lands. In this respect, the Varangians were no exception. They likewise were
spellbound by trade. The most intriguing of all markets during the Viking Age were the ones located in the Orient. As is a well-known
fact about the Orient, it was a fabulously wealthy land, and for the Scandinavians,
there was need for, and a good profit to be earned from the discovery of new
routes to the source of Oriental goods.”[3] They
eventually did find these necessary routes to reach the Orient that stretched
from the Donets and the Don leading them to the Sea of Azov.
Once they reached the Black Sea, it was easy for them to find the necessary water passages that led through the Caucuses to the Near East.[4] And thus the Vikings from Scandinavia, as a precursor to the arrival of Rurik, had established a sort of trading polity that is now known as the Rus’ Kaganate. This Kaganate was a kind of loose trade federation comprised of Scandinavians and Slavs that would serve as a quasi-organized predecessor to Kievan Rus’. The eventual result of having this pseudo-trade federation was that Scandinavians who ventured through Eastern Europe to the Orient were becoming progressively wealthier. This was seen as a much more successful alternative for gaining riches and resources in the Viking world, as opposed to the more traditional method of raiding. Raiding, along with trading, was a particular specialty of the Vikings. However beneficial raiding may have been in the western part of Europe, it proved to be an obstacle in the East in places like modern Russia due to the thinly running rivers which were much too shallow to support a Viking ship’s quick get-away. But as we will see later on, raiding would be made possible through a network of river routes, and the mobilization of massive fleets and auxiliaries.
Once they reached the Black Sea, it was easy for them to find the necessary water passages that led through the Caucuses to the Near East.[4] And thus the Vikings from Scandinavia, as a precursor to the arrival of Rurik, had established a sort of trading polity that is now known as the Rus’ Kaganate. This Kaganate was a kind of loose trade federation comprised of Scandinavians and Slavs that would serve as a quasi-organized predecessor to Kievan Rus’. The eventual result of having this pseudo-trade federation was that Scandinavians who ventured through Eastern Europe to the Orient were becoming progressively wealthier. This was seen as a much more successful alternative for gaining riches and resources in the Viking world, as opposed to the more traditional method of raiding. Raiding, along with trading, was a particular specialty of the Vikings. However beneficial raiding may have been in the western part of Europe, it proved to be an obstacle in the East in places like modern Russia due to the thinly running rivers which were much too shallow to support a Viking ship’s quick get-away. But as we will see later on, raiding would be made possible through a network of river routes, and the mobilization of massive fleets and auxiliaries.
The
Byzantine Empire was one of the most prominent, radiant, and prosperous
medieval states throughout all the middle ages. So naturally, this powerful political
entity had attracted many merchants, voyagers and traders towards its boarders
in order to conduct trade. As previously mentioned, the Varangians were no
exceptions to this paradigm. When they were not fighting, Kievan Rus’ and the
Byzantine Empire were busy trading with each other. They would make trade
deals and agreements with each other, ones that were mutually beneficial in services and wares.
With Vikings moving into Eastern Europe and northern
Russia, cultural exchanges among the Varangians and the other ethnic cultures
in the area is bound to be a persistent topic of interest. Surely historians
will point out that eventually after the arrival of the Varangians in Staraya
Ladoga, Novgorod, and Kiev; the Vikings, as a unique group of peoples in this
region, become deeply integrated with the native cultures of the regions (such
as the Slavs, Balts, Khazars, etc). This process of cultural integration is known to historians as acculturation, where one original culture merges with other
homogenous cultures due to a prolonged period of exposure with one another. Despite this
reality, it would be intellectually dishonest to say that the Varangians did
not introduce any material culture into realm of Eastern Europe, nor put into
practice any of their traditions. As Leo S. Klejn, a prominent historian put
it, “Anyone who would dare to state that Scandinavians did not play a
significant role in the history of these countries would surely soon find
themselves on the fringe of European scholarship.”[5] Archaeological
evidence as well as literary works point to the undeniable truth that the
Varangians had a major cultural impact wherever they went.
“The formation of the Kievan Rus’ signified the beginning
of a completely new stage in Slavic-Scandinavian relations.”[6] With
this new found relation, true exchanges in culture began to mold and take shape.
To give one such example of where the Varangians’ cultural presence could be felt
amongst their other ethnic comrades can be observed in the archaeological site
at Cernihiv (situated in northern Ukraine); an important archaeological site of
early Kievan Rus’. Within this boundary of this archaeological site was found the remnants of a medieval town. Within this town, archaeologists found a hill-fort, several
residential complexes, and a workshop (an elite quarter of any settlement
reserved for skilled craftsmen in Scandinavian tradition). In particular, the
workshop and the industrial areas are known to contain both Slavic houses (which
were semi-sunken houses with clay ovens found inside), as well as Scandinavian
houses (ground leveled houses with loom-weights and imitating stones found
inside). Within these houses they found a silver pendant with four ‘Odin’s spears’ (perhaps symbols of the
Scandinavians’ supreme God), and two copper alloy applications on a comb
ornamented with decorative pattern.[7]
This discovery is proof that the direct implications of having a Scandinavian
population living among other ethnic groups native to that region were positive.
This is due to the acceptance (or neutrality) of Scandinavian culture being prevalent
among the multi-ethnic inhabitants. Several other artifacts were found as well
within the workshop areas which include: northern type arrow-heads, stone
spindle whorl with runic signs and a needle-case with ornament pictures of
bearded men. “At the same time, the majority of the domestic implements and all
ceramics are practically the same in the whole investigated area, which not
only indicated peaceful cohabitation of dwellers of different origin within the
workshop area, but also a gradual assimilation of the newcomers by Slavs.”[8] This proves that at the initial stage of the Varangians making contact
with the Slavs and other ethnic peoples was a sign of fellowship. By the time of the established kingdom of Kievan Rus’, the
Varangian culture became an integral and influential part of life in Eastern
Europe.
In addition to what was previously mentioned, elements of
Scandinavian influence on the Rus’ material culture can even be found on their modes
of transportation. Log-boats were a very effective way of traversing the
shallow river systems in and around Scandinavia. Such log-boats were even
found amongst the grave goods of an important Scandinavian burial mound in Norway
known as Gokstad Ship[9]. These
smaller log-boats also happen to make an appearance in places like Novgorod,
where the presence of Viking culture was strongly embraced among the other
cultures encompassing it. On a side note however, it is important to understand
that rushing to conclusions when dealing with archaeology is a potentially
inaccurate and unscholarly thing to do. Assuming that just because a certain
artifact has been unearthed in a particular site means that said artifact was integrated
and part of every-day life of the region in which it was found, is a stepping
stone to ruinous inquiry and false classification. However, given that we are
dealing with seafaring people such as the Vikings (in the region of modern
Russia and Ukraine), it is safe to cross-reference evidence and make the
conclusion that Scandinavian inspired log-boats were used well into the age of
Kievan Rus’, where the process of acculturation had already taken a hold of the
Varangians. Various fragments of the stem and side of an expanded log-boat have
been found in Novgorod by archaeologists at a part of an eastern river route dating
to around 1044 A.D.[10]
Judging from the abundance of these log-boat fragments, it is evident that
certain elements of Scandinavian material culture was not just introduced in
northern Russia, but also anchored itself as a cultural basin for the
Varangians and the Rus’ population.
Of course, one of the more prominent and infamous of
traditions that the Varangians brought forth and implemented (once the integral
timing was ripe) within the Rus’ Kaganate and then later Kievan Rus’ (through
the efforts of Igor I of Kiev or Oleg for example) was the age old tradition of
raiding. Raiding had been an important part of Viking society (mostly in Western
Europe) for political and economic reasons. In Eastern Europe however, raiding
was scarcely practiced due to there being not enough centers of wealth; as well
as because of the uncharted lands and shallower, narrower waters which made the
probability of a successful and efficient raid very low. Nevertheless, that did
not stop the ever strategic minds of the Varangians. Once they had founded
Kievan Rus’ and secured all the territories that were etched on their borderlands,
they quickly gained a command of the water systems of their land. In
941 A.D., the prospect of raiding had been realized when prince Igor I of Kiev
pooled in his naval resources along with the Rus’ Kaganate, and set out on a
raid against Byzantium.[11]
For reasons long forgotten, there had been strained relations between Kievan
Rus’ and the Byzantines at that time; therefore, the perfect opportunity arose
for the Varangians and all the Rus’ and their kinsmen to make a run at the Byzantines
by raiding and attacking Constantinople. For better or for worse, the raids
were unsuccessful due to the superior tactics and technology that aided the
Byzantines in a victory against the raids. In 944, the Varangian prince of Kiev
along with his contingent of Scandinavian auxiliaries looked again to attack
the Byzantines at Constantinople in an attempt to renew the trade relations
they had years before. When Igor's host reached the Danube, it was met by envoys
from the Byzantine emperor bearing generous gifts for Igor and his druzhina and even for the Pecheneg
chieftains. They offered the Russians a renewal of the peace treaties of 907
and 911, and Igor agreed to the terms. After that, the trade tie with the eastern capital was
restored.[12]
This episode of raids and instances of upping the ante towards Constantinople was
one of the key examples of how the Varangians not only held onto their culturally
entrenched ways of raiding and expanded their trade economy, but as a muscle
flexing display against neighbors that made the Varangian presence known.
It
is often the case while studying the chronicles of history that much of what we
know about a state, a kingdom or a league of people is automatically derived
from and becomes recognizable through socio-politics. For example, few laymen
knew the theology and composition of the religious order of Christianity; but many of them know who Jesus Christ is, where he was from and how he died. Similarly,
in the case of the Varangians, this principle of power-politics applies and
could not be further from the reality. Names are remembered in history by those
bearing them and the deeds that accompany them.
It all unofficially began with the arrival of Rurik and his band of Varangian
followers in Staraya Ladoga, unto the foundation of the town of Novgorod in the
mid-9th century. Despite the numerous claims that categorize Rurik
as a mythical figure, his succeeding generations of princely rulers were
however not. “The Vikings stayed, reigned, and intermarried with the Slavs…These
‘Russian Vikings’ strengthened the lands of Rus militarily and commercially,
moving their capital from Novgorod down to Kiev, at the fulcrum of the trade
route from the Viking north to the Greek Byzantine Empire in the south.”[13] With
the transfer of the capital from Novgorod to Kiev (by Oleg), this aided the
Varangians immensely in establishing the kingdom of Kievan Rus’ (de jure), a huge and powerful state that
shaped eastern Europe for much of the middle ages.
Navigating down the family tree of the Rurikid, one can
see that the Varangian blood did not falter, and thus with each new son born
from Rurik’s folk, greatness and the destiny of rule came with them. First was
Oleg of Novgorod, who was the ruler of Novgorod before the emergence of the
state of Kievan Rus’. During his reign, as previously mentioned, he moved the
capital of Rus’ from Novgorod to Kiev. After him came Igor of Kiev who was the
ruler of Kievan Rus’ for a hefty period of time. Succeeding Igor was Sviatoslav
of Kiev whose glory comes from his successive contribution in the toppling of
the Khazars. Then after Sviatoslav came Yaropolk, a man who killed Oleg (his
younger brother) and whose reign was short and purpose not as certain as his
predecessors’. And finally, the one reigning ruler of Kievan Rus’ (whose
purpose, as we shall see, was anything but uncertain), was Vladimir the Great.[14]
Vladimir the Great was remembered as being great not just
as a man of big appetites, but for many other reasons too such as having
defeated his brother Yaropolk to reconquer Novgorod.[15]
But without a doubt, one of the main reasons that Vladimir the Great went down
in history as being so great was his conversion to Christianity, his baptism, and
for christening all the Rus’ in 988 A.D. He did not convert to Christianity as
rashly as some cynics will say: he did so after a rigorous and pretentious
process of having emissaries go down to surrounding kingdoms and have them
witness what sort of religion was right for the Rus’. Once the German ambassadors
(under the command of the Roman Catholic Church) came to Vladimir’s court to testify
the universality of their church. Vladimir was unimpressed. But once a Greek
Philosopher came to Vladimir and went at length to proclaim the truths and
spendors of the Orthodox Catholic Church, Vladimir saw great wisdom in
the philosopher’s speech, and chose to convert himself and his people to Christian Orthodoxy.[16]
This choice in religion not only bolstered Vladimir’s outlook on spirituality,
but also made him content to know that there was political leverage to be had
with a Byzantine alliance. When it came time to become Christian, Vladimir took
part in the baptizing of Kiev. He prayed from the cannon “remove from them
their former delusion and fill them with the faith, hope and love which are in
Thee, that they may know that Thou art the only true God, with thine only begotten
Son, our Lord Jesus Christ and thy Holy spirit.”[17]
With that prayer, he made certain that everyone answered Amen. “For the first time,
thousands of Russian tongues and throats formed the Hebrew word which means ‘so
be it’.”[18]
This speaks volumes as to the importance of such an event being held in a
formally pagan society and kingdom. With this new found religious zeal and
vigor came several positive consequences as a result of this conversion such
as strengthened ties with the Byzantine Empire, and a sense of patriotism (that
all the peoples of the Rus’ were united in one religion). One thing is for certain,
the significance of this event is prevalent even to this day, with Russian
being predominantly Orthodox Christian.
As this essay comes to an end, it is important to note
exactly what it was that made the Varangians
such an impactful and formidable influence on eastern and northeastern Europe.
For starters, they were at the center of trade expeditions with
the Orient and to the Byzantine Empire, making them (and their ethnic comrades)
succeed in accumulating wealth and expanding their trade horizons. They made their
presence known through force and material culture. Whether it was the raids
that they undertook on Byzantium, or whether it was
the several curious items unearthed at key locations within the realm of Kievan
Rus’, or even the acquired boat-building techniques; the Varangians had enough control on Eastern Europe to make a lasting
impact on its culture. And lastly, the socio-political legacy that the
Varangians established and left behind (unto the capitulation of Kievan Rus’ by
the Golden Horde) was the stuff of legend. The Rurikid (stretching down their lineage
through generations), being the powerful and glorified rulers of Novgorod and
Kiev, were great examples of the Varangian influence and consistent assumption
of power in Eastern Europe. The baptism of Vladimir the Great and the settlers
of Kievan Rus’ helped usher in a new found organization of kinship, one which
has never been seen before in those regions where the diverse groups of people resided. Collectively, all these factors coinciding with the
arrival and influence of the Varangians, helped shape the fabric of Eastern
Europe in such as dynamic way, as to be remembered and revered throughout millennia
in the pages of history as the Vikings of the East.
Bibliography
Bjerg, Line, John Lind, and Soren Sindbaek. From Goths to Varangians: Communication and Cultural Exchange Between the Baltic and
the Black Sea. Lancaster: Aarhus University Press, 2013.
Cross, S.H. “The Scandinavian Infiltration Into
Early Russia” Speculum 21, no. 4
(1946): 505- 514.
Franklin, Simon, and Jonathan Shepard. The Emergence of Rus’ 750-120. Harlow,
Essex: Longman Group Limited,
1996.
Kaplan, Frederick. “The Decline of the Khazars and
the Rise of the Varangians.” American Slavic and East European Review 13,
no. 1 (1954): 1-10.
Thomsen, Vilhelm. The Relations Between Ancient Russia and Scandinavia and The Origin of the Russian State. New York: Burt
Franklin, 1967.
Volkoff, Vladimir. Vladimir: The Russian Viking. New York: The Overlook Press, 2011.
Wren, Melvin. Ancient
Russia. New York: The John Day Company, 1965.
Zenkovsky, Serge. The Nikonian Chronicle: From the Beginning to the Year 1132. Princeton:
The Kingston Press, 1984.
[1]Simon
Franklin and Jonathan Shepard. The
Emergence of Rus’ 750-120. (Harlow, Essex: Longman
Group Limited, 1996), pp3.
[2] Ibid, pp 8,15.
[3] Melvin
Wren. Ancient Russia. (New York: The
John Day Company, 1965), pp 67.
[4] Ibid, pp 68.
[5] Line
Bjerg, John Lind, and Soren Sindbaek. From
Goths to Varangians: Communication and Cultural
Exchange Between the Baltic and the Black Sea. (Lancaster: Aarhus
University Press, 2013), pp 27.
[6] Ibid, pp 258.
[7] Ibid, pp 269.
[8] Ibid, pp 266.
[9] Ibid, pp 297.
[10]Ibid, pp 299.
[11] Melvin Wren. Ancient Russia. (New York: The John Day
Company, 1965), pp 79.
[12] Ibid, pp 80.
[13] Vladimir Volkoff.
Vladimir: The Russian Viking. (New
York: The Overlook Press, 2011), viii.
[14] Simon
Franklin, and Jonathan Shepard. The
Emergence of Rus’ 750-120. (Harlow, Essex: Longman
Group Limited, 1996), pp 416-417.
[15]Ibid, pp 270.
[16]Serge
Zenkovsky. The Nikonian Chronicle: From
the Beginning to the Year 1132. (Princeton: The Kingston Press, 1984), pp. 97.
[17]Vladimir
Volkoff. Vladimir: The Russian Viking. (New
York: The Overlook Press, 2011), pp 235.
[18] Ibid, pp 235.
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