The Guillotine was referred to as the "Nation's Razor" and was heavily used throughout the reign of terror
France
during the years 1789 through to 1794 was a drastically different France from
the previous years of its existence, as well as its future years. This period,
known as the French Revolution, is categorized as a pivotal period in which the
social fabric and political landscape of France is forever changed. From the
humble beginnings of Clovis I through to Charlemagne, all the way down to Louis
XIV; France has only known monarchy as a means of governance. But all of that
drastically changed when France preformed a full 180 degree turn in the way
government is exercised. The vast majority of Frenchmen and women elected to
have a king no more, but rather a republic which sought to make a new society.
The drafting of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen in 1789,
along with the coup d’etat which rendered France a constitutional monarchy, and
the eventual regicide of King Louis XVI in 1793, ultimately made France a republic:
a republic where every citizen was equal in both liberty and opportunity (famously
expressed through the motto of Equality, Liberty, Fraternity). One such group
that prompted all this civic change were the Jacobins, who later on in this
research paper, shall be revealed as the driving force behind the French
revolution in all manners, for better and for worse.
The
Jacobins started off innocently enough as spectators of local and national
events in France. Having their origins stemming from the province of Brittany,
the Jacobins were a café society (cafés at the time were places of
philosophical and political discussions).[1]
The club itself was born in fire, at the time of heightened tension amongst the
peoples of France. The epicenter of revolutionary action was taking place in
Paris at the time; so naturally, the Jacobins branched out and established
their main chapter in Paris where they could remain a relevant influence in the
National Constituent Assembly (the zeitgeist behind the French Revolution). In
due time, their influence spread and reigned supreme among the other clubs and
factions of the National Assembly. But as time progressed and the patience of
the people was wearing out. The Jacobins began to be more militant and
notwithstanding towards opponents of the revolution who exercised the same
principles (such as freedom of expression) that they were so valiantly
supporting. There were rumors that were circulating around France, mostly
pertaining to the termination of the revolution which added fuel to the
paranoid fervor of the National Assembly. As quoted by Frederick William of
Prussia, he promised to use military action to affirm “the basis of a
monarchial government equally suitable to the rights of the Sovereigns and the
well-being of the French nation”.[2] Prussia
was viewed as an enemy of France, but enemies of the state existed from within
France’s boarders as well. The Jacobins made/labelled enemies during their
ascension into the public sphere quite often.
A sansculottes member sporting the tricolours as well as wearing the Phrygian Cap (Liberty Cap)
The Jacobins exercised
retribution towards royalists and Girondins (a political faction that opposed
the Jacobins later during the revolution) alike, anyone who upheld their ideas:
often times, the punishment was met with the fall of the blade of the
Guillotine. With such a quick conversion from liberalism to radicalism, one has
to wonder how this happened. Indeed, why did the Jacobins (at one point, a progressive
political party) who utilized enlightenment period ideologies, go from being
truly liberal and democratic, to a radical and tyrannical group that instigated
violent acts and dictatorial policies? To fully understand the answer to this
question, one need only look at the dire circumstances that eighteenth century
France brought to its citizens, as well as the nature of its people who lead
France under the guise of liberty.
During
the early period of the revolution, right down to the reign of terror, France
began to experience a growing obsession over the elimination of the Catholic
Church, as well as the formation of a general dechristenization movement. In
the Old Regime, the Catholic Church, along with its clergymen enjoyed a
prolonged period of privilege and prestige throughout the French kingdom, but
that would soon change. The clergy and anyone else that had ecclesiastic powers
in France were referred to as the First Estate for their superior hierarchical
position in French society.[3] Throughout
the revolution, the First Estate’s social status was drastically compromised
and in turn, it flipped from that of an imposing presence to an endangered one.
This had been accomplished through many mediums of dechristianization
imaginable such as: ceremonies of sacrilege, destruction of statues, relics and
roadside crossed et cetera. The course of such measures can be chronologically
viewed as followed:
“In
the Revolution, dechristianization took the following forms: aggressive
anti-clericalism, prohibition of any Christian practice or worship either in
public or private life, closing of the churches, the formation of a
revolutionary calendar to replace the Christian one, and the establishment of
new religious cults –the Cult of Reason and the Cult of Supreme Being.”[4]
For
many months prior to the terror and the execution of the king, the Jacobins,
along with many other clubs, maintained close ties to the Catholic Church.[5]
Even Robespierre, the leading figure in the French Revolution who became an apostate
to the Christian faith saw the value in securing Christianity, believing that
the “persecution of Christianity would alienate the peasantry and make it
difficult to make alliances with the smaller European countries.”[6] It
should be pointed out that from the start the spirit that constituted the
Jacobin club held no stock in the theology of Christianity. Gradually as time
progressed, aggressions towards Christendom would only escalate, be that in the
form of the elimination of clerical influence, or the destruction of its
ideology.
The
acts of dechristianization that occurred in France are beyond numbering, but
the few that stood out captivate the nature of such a movement. There were
instances of de-baptismal ceremonies where citizens changed their name to appropriate
republican names in accordance with “nature”.[7]
Another act done by the Jacobins was the conversion and the rebranding of the
Notre Dame in Paris itself into the Temple of Reason. [8]
This initiative could be seen as an act of killing two birds with one stone,
both eliminating the Christian shadow over Paris and the propagation of their
new religion. But perhaps one of the more interesting and innovative
indications that the Jacobin club was pursuing a radical form of self-destiny
was their invention and implementation of the French Republican Calendar. It
was a direct impeachment of the Gregorian calendar (implemented by the Catholic
Church during the high middle ages), and was meant to replace it as a new and
“rational” way of referencing time, starting off the calendar’s years not from
the birth of Christ, but from the birth of the revolution. One of its major
proponents was Fabre d’Eglantine. A poet and friend of Danton’s, d’Eglantine
was a member of the committee responsible for the creation of the calendar, and
has been credited with the naming of the months of the Revolutionary Calendar.[9] As
progress turned into vain ambition, the Catholic Church in France also
underwent a somewhat purge. “The climax of the negative side of
dechristianization came with the forced or voluntary resignation of the parish
priest...”[10]
These acts of resilience against the Catholic Church done by the Jacobins and
the people of France were fueled by frenzy and frustration, but what was about
to put out the fire and be erected in its place was perhaps the single most
radical dream turned into reality of the revolution.
Robespierre was considered by some as the center-head of the French Revolution
The
diaspora of fidelity had been prevalent from the very beginning of the
revolution, through to the reign of terror. To counter the anarchical state of
spirituality and to fill such an empty hole void of structural s, Robespierre
pioneered a Rousseauesque state religion which was “inaugurated with the
Festival of the Supreme Being on 8 June” 1794.[11] “The
ceremony intended to inaugurate a series of arid and rationalistic
quasi-religious civic ceremonies in honour of deism and virtue.”[12]
Robespierre made Rousseau as well as Voltaire and Marat a major part of his new
religion to the point of literal worship when he called out Helvetius a schemer
and a persecutor of “the good J.J. Rousseau, the most deserving of our homage.”[13]
The cult of reason was a brave but radical new call to dismantle the influence
of Christianity and to discover God through the gained wisdom and enlightenment
of man.
The
Reasons behind all the dechristianization and propagation of the Cult of Reason
can be traced back to not too long ago, when free-thinking philosophical
discourse took a hold of Western Europe.
It
started off during the period of Enlightenment in France, with key figures such
as Voltaire and Rousseau leading people away from Religious dogmas, to a more
reason-based idea of theism. When Voltaire was quoted with saying, “I believe,
I believe in you. Powerful God, I believe! As for monsieur, the Son and madame,
His mother, that’s a different story.” it demonstrates a fundamental abandonment of
core Christian dogma, and substitute in its place a deistic entity.[14] It
was Voltaire who ultimately proposed the rejection of the ecclesia along with
its dogmas. “He opposed payments to, and residual jurisdiction of the papacy;
he persistently advocated the full submission of ecclesiastical to civil laws,
the abolition of clerical celibacy, secularization of priests’ salaries, and
the closing of monasteries.”[15] Rousseau
had his influences on the Jacobins as well. Famously stating “if your views do
not prevail, it is because you were wrong in the first place”, made Rousseau an
instant favourite of Robespierre. That quote alone reaffirmed Robespierre’s
“notion that the people should be given not what they actually want but what
they would want if properly informed and motivated; what, in the vernacular,
‘is good for them’ – the basis of every dictatorship of the Left.”[16] Jean-Jacques
Rousseau and Voltaire also had a major impact on Pierre Chaumette, a Jacobin
who was an editor of a Parisian journal, as well as an orator. Chaumette was a
chief founder of the Cult of Reason, and was “imbued with Voltarianism when he
launched a civic religious policy in 1793. Voltaire’s emphasis on virtue,
toleration, and love of fellow man was the basis of this policy.”[17]
The cult of Reason implemented by Robespierre and others was influenced by
Voltaire and Rousseau, assuring that reason alone was the realized revelation
of the deist god and that virtue was the moral compass that guided the people.
Evidently enough, these philosophies of Voltaire, Rousseau, and the concept of
disestablishmentarianism were not only prevalent among the cafés and political
clubs of France, but were also adopted by the Jacobins, in particular their
leading figures, and would be used on the political stage interchangeably to
meet the goals of their advocates.
Speech
is a powerful tool to get a point across, and when speech is consistent and
zealous enough, it can become a weapon; and the more passionate and fervorous
one’s ability to speak is, the more convincing one becomes. As it turns out,
the Jacobin club had some of the best orators and speakers in France, all of
whom did their part in the contributing to the club’s interests. The most
renowned orators were Jean-Paul Marat as well as Maximillian Robespierre. Together,
they proved to be an ideological force to be reckoned with, as they rooted
their ideologies to preach what they believed in, and at the same time produce
compelling pleas for action.
Whether
he was stressing the importance of the revolution or denunciation of
counter-revolutionaries, or even his eventual proscription of the crown (entire
or partial); Jean-Paul Marat has always been steadfast in telling the people
what was the best course of action for Revolutionary France. Because of his
influential position in the Convention and in the National Assembly, Marat
indeed proved to be of the most outspoken members of the Jacobins club.
Jean-Paul Marat had a rare skin condition and had to frequently take medicinal bathes. Unfortunately the bathtub ended up being his grave when he was assassinated writing for the L'ami du Peuple while taking a bath
Having
first been an avid monarchist who admired virtuous kings such as Frederick of
Prussia, Marat had rejected republicanism in his early years: however, that
would change later on, as his bias began to take a liberal turn later on.[18]
Marat had a high degree of conviction in what he preached as well as in what he
wrote. In his newspaper, L’ami du Peuple,
he used strong language that had a cyclical theme of teetering radicalism.
Having been torn between sticking with his natural disposition toward monarchy
and to electing a limited constitutional monarchy; Marat displayed a tendency
of being a line-walker of sorts. Due to his abandonment of faith in the French
monarchy after the royal family attempted to vacate the country to Austria
while being held captive, Marat finally had an imposing change of heart to the
fate of the monarchy, stating that, “The king of France is of less importance
than a fifth wheel to a cart.”[19] And
while he got what he would later professed to have wanted all along (regicide),
Marat insisted that this was not enough. In 1790, Jean-Paul made a sharp turn
when he proposed that France be governed by a Dictator, and would continue to
lobby for a dictatorship even up until his death. “In justice to Marat it must
be said that he desired not a Caesar, but a Cincinnatus—a brief and limited
dictator.”[20]
Given the climate of Western Europe at
the time, it was easy to see why Marat urged for a dictatorship, as is already
a known fact, in times of crises, strong leadership often yielded stability. At
the time, Marat thought that France needed stability in order to survive as a
nation and preserve what it had accomplished thus far.
“He
continued his championing of the dictatorship, and when war with Austria became
imminent, standing almost alone in opposition to the declaration of
hostilities, he reiterated his belief in the ‘necessity of choosing once and
for all a supreme dictator’, and in the efficacy of popular insurrection under
a ‘prudent, staunch, upright and incorruptible chief’. Marat was able to see no
safety for France except in the dictatorship.”[21]
In order to repel the
growing threat of foreign coalition forces from the east, Marat practically
begged for the National Assembly to establish a dictatorship: he even went so
far as to propose himself to be the head of such a regime.[22] Nevertheless,
the potentiality for tyranny and absolute power (ironically), would have
rendered the basic spirit of both the earlier French Revolution as well as the
Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen obsolete.
The Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen was arguably the best thing to come out of the French Revolution
The story of
Marat was a tragedy on many levels. A prime example that methods can turn to
madness, the life of Marat exhibits the devouring nature of the French
Revolution. But even more important than the previous point is that fact that
the French Revolution showcased just how people will always be proactive due to
the influencing words of one man.
Maximillian
Robespierre, credited as being the center-head of the French Revolution, was
renowned for his oratory and his ability to sway opinion. Robespierre
undoubtedly held fervorous ideologies throughout his duration as a member of
the Jacobins club. The fanatic spirit of the Revolution was finally realized in
1792 when Robespierre gave a speech to the Convention on December 3rd
on his views on the fate of Louix XVI as well as the death penalty.
“Robespierre
then insisted that Louis had no rights under the constitution he had violated
and that when the safety of the state was at stake the legal safeguards
possibly appropriate in cases between citizens could be waived. ‘Louis must die
that the country may live.’ He must be cast out of the heavenly city and
stoned. Robespierre hoped he would be the last; he was the first of many. The
doctrine which Robespierre enunciated in the king’s trial was a milestone on
the road to the charter of the Terror…”[23]
Such zeal and such disgust towards people who
opposed the revolution is what drove much of what Robespierre thought to be the
course of liberty into a maelstrom that proved to be an efficient way for
disarray and mayhem. A good example of engaging dialogue on Robespierre’s part
can be seen in the following quote as a direct call for action.
“We
want to substitute in our land immorality for egotism, probability for honor,
principles for customs, ethics for propriety, the rule of reason for the
tyranny of fashion…love of glory for love of money, good men for good
society…That is, all the virtues and all the miracles of the republic for all
the vices and all the absurdities of the monarchy…In the system of the French
Revolution what is immoral is impolitic, what is corruptive is
counter-revolutionary.”[24]
Ever
renown as a solid speech giver, Robespierre ensures that what he puts into his
speeches begin to be instilled into the people until the message rings in their
ears. The wording of the speech alone sets a standard and in doing so inspired
the people of France to take on the tasks of the revolution.
Hysteria
and paranoia became the climate of France during the revolution, and the
obsession of the Jacobins made things worse. The Terror was a combination of
vital elements such as special tribunals, revolutionary committees, special
taxes, maximum and wide-ranging powers granted to representatives the ability
to propagate their missions.[25]
Being largely an ongoing conflict between the Girondins (offset group of the
revolution) and the Jacobins, and as a result, violence and executions came
naturally as a byproduct. The Reign of Terror can be seen as a direct
instilment of frustration. Seeing as how the promises and the unwavering ideals
of the earlier part of the revolution were not being delivered, many people
were killed as a result of this restlessness. This was due to the Law of
Suspects passed on September 17, 1794, the definition of being an enemy of the
state was made it so vague and open-ended that it became part of the reason why
many injustices and catastrophes occurred during the terror, all while reveling
the level of pretentiousness of the French Republic (lead under the commission
of the Committee for Public safety). [26] Of
course it was not just terrorism that ruled the Reign of Terror, it was war
also. The war that sprung out in the French region of Vandee proved to be a big obstacle towards the Jacobin tenants of the Republican army.
The war was essentially a battle between Royalists and Revolutionaries. It
experienced a great loss of life during the Terror, being labeled by some as a
genocide; the war in the Vandee was eventually won by the Republican
army, but at a great cost of over 300,000 casualties.[27]
In
the end it was frustration, infidelity, paranoia and conviction that reigned
supreme throughout the French revolution; and it was the combination of these
factors that, for the most part, outlined the true radical nature of the
Jacobins.
Frustration, in many cases, can be the most
damaging catalyst in any major event. The Jacobins along with the convinced
general public of France harbored many reasons and emotions that took a toll on
how they perceived and acted towards their previous oppressors/superiors; but
none were as outlined and menacing as frustration. When reason and sensibility
failed to be the people’s champion, the use of force and chaos prevailed under
the pretense of sensibility, in the achievement of goals and of the propagation
of ideas. For instance, when a society is dwindling both economically and
proportionately to the point where a simple commodity such as bread becomes a
rarity, it made it only a matter of time before opportunists like the Jacobins
took control of the situation and begin the spread of rioting and attrition.
Infidelity
in the form of apostasy and denunciation can yield unprecedented consequences.
For example, in the brief but damaging period of dechristianization in France
was marked with many acts of rebuke and suppression of the Catholic Church and
all of its property adherents.
A painting showing the description of the Festival of the Supreme Being in 1794, just months before the death of Robespierre
The outright rejection of Christian doctrines
and dogma by philosophers such as Rousseau and Voltaire opened up an avenue for
degradation and reformation of the Church and its status; an avenue on which
surely many Jacobins walked. From the forced resignation of the pastor priest
of Paris to the Festival of the Supreme Being, infidelity to the Christian
church was the air supply of Revolutionary France.
Paranoia can be observed through the
installation of the reign of terror, which held the full-fledged support of the
Jacobins. In France, people rallied in defiance to tyranny from the monarchy
and the nobility, but that soon became the essence of the same if not more
oppressive regime. In certain cases throughout the reign of terror, spies on
behalf of the Jacobins were sent out to scout the public’s opinion. Sometimes
in breadlines, if they overheard someone not sound too optimistic about the
revolution or harbored hostilities towards it, they were labeled the enemy of
the revolution and potentially silenced by the National Razor (Guillotine).
Paranoia can also be observed in the form of pre-emptive attacks and acts of
war on neighboring countries on the eastern frontiers executed by the General
Assembly: in the spirit of foresight. France during the revolution was
ultimately a society living constantly on the edge.
The conviction of the figureheads of the French
Revolution acted as a fabric that blanketed all of France under its influence.
As an example of conviction, one need only look to the “Incorruptible”
Robespierre. Swiftly affirming his support for the death-penalty and making an
example of King Louis XVI, a violator of the constitution (in Robespierre’s
view): Robespierre, with the addition of his conviction, stated “Louis must die
that the country may live”[28]. Jean-Paul
Marat also held a firm sense of conviction and fervor that levied his
ideologies into many parts of the revolution. His obsession over the fanatic
spirit of the revolution and how those who wish to stop it should be
persecuted, demonstrated in full view the gravity of the revolution. In
essence, it was conviction that won the day for the Jacobins and it was
conviction that made their goals a reality, not necessarily reason alone.
As
Charles Dickens put it, the French Revolution was the best of times, and it was
the worst of times. That being said, it is fair to note that not all the acts
carried out by the Jacobins were negative. The story of how Robespierre’s final
moments in the jail cell attests to this notion. A legend says that in his jail
cell, awaiting execution, Robespierre questioned the necessity of the
revolution and the reign of terror, referencing to its madness; trying to
figure out what it had accomplished. Responding to Robespierre’s conundrum, the
fellow inmate pointed to a painting of the Declaration of the Rights of Man, answering
that at the very least, they had done that. To this day, the Declaration of the
Rights of Man is in use by the people of France; a constant reminder of the
strife that the country went through (by the influence of the Jacobins and
others) to achieve it.
Bibliography
Belloc, H. (1972). Danton: A Study. London: Tom Stacey Reprints Limited.
Gliozzo, Charles. “The Philosophes and Religion:
Intellectual Origins of the Dechristianization
Movement in the French Revolution” Church
History: Studies in Christianity and Culture 40, No. 3 (1971): 273-283.
Gottschalk, Louis. “The Radicalism of Jean-Paul
Marat” The Sewanee Review 29, No. 2
(1921): 155-170.
Hardman, J. (1999). Robespierre: Profiles in Power. Harlow, England: Pearson Education Limited.
Higonnet, P. (1998). Goodness Beyond Virtue: Jacobins During the French Revolution. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard
University Press.
Hoffmann, Stanley. “A Note on the French Revolution
and the Language of Violence” Daedalus 116, No. 2 (1987): 149-156
Jordan, David. “The Jacobins and Their Victims” The Eighteenth Century 24, No. 3 (1983):
268- 275.
Kennedy, L.M. (1988). The Jacobin Clubs in the French Revolution: The Middle years. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Pomeau, Rene. (1956). La religion de Voltaire. Paris: Librarie Nizet, pp.410-411
Secher, R. (2003). A French Genocide: The Vendée. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press.
Sutherland, D.M.G. (1986). France 1789-1815: Revoluion and Counterrevolution. New York: Oxford University Press.
[1] D.M.G.,
Sutherland. (1986). France 1789-1815:
Revolution and Counterrevolution. New York: Oxford University Press. 77.
[2] D.M.G., Sutherland. (1986). France 1789-1815: Revolution and Counterrevolution. New York: Oxford University Press. 135.
[3] Patrice,
Higonnet. (1998). Goodness Beyond Virtue:
Jacobins During the French Revolution. Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. 252.
[4] Gliozzo,
Charles. “The Philosophes and Religion: Intellectual Origins of the
Dechristianization Movement
in the French Revolution” Church History:
Studies in Christianity and Culture 40, No. 3 (1971): 276.
[5] Patrice,
Higonnet. (1998). Goodness Beyond Virtue:
Jacobins During the French Revolution. Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. 117.
[6] John, Hardman.
(1999). Robespierre: Profiles in Power. Harlow,
England: Pearson Education Limited.
95.
[7] D.M.G.,
Sutherland. (1986). France 1789-1815:
Revolution and Counterrevolution. New York: Oxford University Press. 208.
[9] D.M.G.,
Sutherland. (1986). France 1789-1815:
Revolution and Counterrevolution. New York: Oxford University Press. 209.
[10]Ibid, 208.
[11] John,
Hardman. (1999). Robespierre: Profiles in
Power. Harlow, England: Pearson Education Limited.
122.
[12] D.M.G., Sutherland.
(1986). France 1789-1815: Revolution and
Counterrevolution. New York: Oxford
University Press. 231.
[13] Charles,
Gliozzo. “The Philosophes and Religion: Intellectual Origins of the
Dechristianization Movement
in the French Revolution” Church History:
Studies in Christianity and Culture 40, No. 3 (1971): 277.
[14] Rene,
Pomeau. (1956). La religion de Voltaire.
Paris: Librarie Nizet, 410-411.
[15] Charles, Gliozzo.
“The Philosophes and Religion: Intellectual Origins of the Dechristianization Movement in the French
Revolution” Church History: Studies in
Christianity and Culture 40, No. 3 (1971): 274.
[16] John, Hardman.
(1999). Robespierre: Profiles in Power. Harlow,
England: Pearson Education Limited.
214.
[17] Charles,
Gliozzo. “The Philosophes and Religion: Intellectual Origins of the
Dechristianization Movement
in the French Revolution” Church History:
Studies in Christianity and Culture 40, No. 3 (1971): 276.
[18]
Louis
Gottschalk. “The Radicalism of Jean-Paul Marat” The Sewanee Review 29, No. 2 (1921): 157-159.
[19]
Louis
Gottschalk. “The Radicalism of Jean-Paul Marat” The Sewanee Review 29, No. 2 (1921): 162.
[20] Ibid, 167.
[21] Ibid, 164.
[22]
Louis
Gottschalk. “The Radicalism of Jean-Paul Marat” The Sewanee Review 29, No. 2 (1921): 166.
[23] John, Hardman.
(1999). Robespierre: Profiles in Power. Harlow,
England: Pearson Education Limited. 74.
[24] Stanley,
Hoffmann. “A Note on the French Revolution and the Language of Violence” Daedalus 116, No. 2 (1987): 150.
[25] D.M.G.,
Sutherland. (1986). France 1789-1815:
Revoluion and Counterrevolution. New York: Oxford
University Press. 174.
[26] Patrice,
Higonnet. (1998). Goodness Beyond Virtue:
Jacobins During the French Revolution. Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. 51.
[27] Raynald,
Secher.(2003). A French Genocide: The
Vendée. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press. Appendix.
[28] John, Hardman.
(1999). Robespierre: Profiles in Power. Harlow,
England: Pearson Education Limited. 74.
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